Part Four- America: A Place for One Another and Othering

Part Four- America:  A Place for One Another and Othering

20^th Century – The Era of Reform

A review of the articles presented in this series reveals certain pervasive convictions in America. We learned that during the era of exploration, Europeans applied the doctrine of discovery to rationalize the subjugation of indigenous people. We discovered the colonial rationales behind mercantilism, the economic imperatives that entitled the procurement of another culture’s resources. The notion of ordained authority justified both of these exploitations by asserting that God gave permission for them. We see these belief system surface again as we close out our discussion of 20^th century America and our relationship to othering.

 Still a fledgling nation in the 1800’s, America was ill equipped to handle the consequences of rapid industrialization, yet the circumstances in our country at the close of the 19^th century, seemed almost predictable. Philosophically, we accepted the enormous income gap between the industrialists and the working class, the rampant neglect and abuse of marginalized communities and the violation of basic human rights.

A major hurdle to any progress initiated by 20^th century reformists, was challenging the notion that extreme inequality was acceptable. Social Darwinism arose during the late 1700’s and remained popular with key figures like Andrew Carnegie during his rise to power in the 1800’s.  The concept, despite being a pseudo-science, provided a permission structure to disregard the needs of the working class by proclaiming elites were chosen to be at the top of the societal pyramid and workers were chosen to be at the bottom. It dovetailed with earlier ethos of ordained authority and mercantilism and further codified the practice of othering. As a result, much of the reform that took place in the 1900’s tried to undo attitudes and practices that negatively impacted the working class.  

As the Gilded Age peaked, so did American tolerance for powerful industrialists amassing great fortunes at all costs. The stark contrast between the haves and the have nots could no longer be ignored. Systemic discrimination, in the form of legal maneuvering, prevented the working class from advancing. Blacks, women and immigrants were often the targets of laws that prevented land ownership, equal pay, and unionization. Children had no rights and no voice to protest. The effects of privation could be seen in infant mortality rates, workplace injuries and decreased life expectancy. The term “urban mortality penalty” referred to more poor people dying in cities at the turn of the century than were being born. America had reached a tipping point. In response, activists emerged from diverse strata across society to address the egregious circumstances confronting these groups. Transformations began in earnest to address the social ills befalling those outside the top tier. Historians would call this the Era of Reform or Progressive Era. Later in the century it would become known as the Civil Rights Era.

The National Child Labor Committee was formed by Florence Kelly in 1904. She and her members fought tirelessly to end the practice of children working instead of attending school. Labor unions rose up and regularly demanded “8-8-8”, referring to workers wanting eight hours of sleep, eight hours of work and eight hours for free time. And it took the politicians, famously Theodore Roosevelt, to break up corporate monopolies who used their immense power to secure maximum profits by thwarting positive changes in the work environment.

The social reformer Jacob Riis used his talent as a photojournalist to document the deplorable living conditions in the tenement slums of NYC. His body of photographic evidence was compiled in a book called, How the Other Half Live. In the book, The History of the Standard Oil Company, Ida Tarbell chronicled corruption employed by the Rockefellers while Upton Sinclair’s efforts epitomized the moniker “muckraker”.  In his book, The Jungle, Sinclair exposed his readers to the horrendous conditions of the stockyards and meat packing industry in Chicago and how the company store/factory housing model kept workers trapped in a cycle of poverty and despair. 

Voting rights, racial and gender equality issues garnered much attention during the 20^th century as well. Susan B Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Staton fought for women’s suffrage for over fifty years before the 19^th amendment was finally passed in 1920. During the age of segregation, approximately 1900- 1939, the NCAA was founded to combat the effect of Jim Crow laws enacted after the Civil War. Major Civil Rights Era legislation was later passed in 1964, by President Johnson, which addressed discriminatory practices based on race, sex, ethnicity and religion. Interestingly though, despite all fifty states recognizing a woman’s right to own property and open bank accounts by 1900, laws remained in effect preventing women from uniformly being issued credit until 1974.

As we close this series, hopefully an appreciation of the historical origins of national identity, our thought patterns and belief systems, has been gained. There is a cyclic nature to these philosophies and viewpoints. It can be explained as such:  implementation leads to impact, impact to revocation, revocation to revival. Regarding the viewpoint of inequality and practice of subjugation, whether we refer to it as othering or not, we can trace implementation and impact to the heart of many great national tragedies and human suffering. Conversely, when we enter the phase of the cycle where we reject and revoke policies that are divisive or destructive, we can follow the historical path to great advances for humanity. By identifying what part of the cycle we’re currently experiencing, we gain the ability to change course.

It is my sincere hope that we use history as a tool to create a national identity that promotes the wellbeing of all Americans.

 

By: Jeanne Gostling, Interp Staff at Schoharie Crossing State Historic Site

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